۱۳۹۲ آذر ۷, پنجشنبه

خلع سلاح جبهه شکل گرفته بر ضد ایران و جلوگیری از غارت نفت و گاز ایران تنها از طریق پایان دادن کامل فعالیتهای هسته ممکن است


گفته شده بود که این قراداد  ژنو از معاهده ترکمانچای بدتر است.  از جمله به این دو دلیل:

 - در آنجا در عوض از دست دادن سرزمینها، روسیه ضمانت کرده بود که سلسله قاجار را از طریق فرزندان عباس میرزا برسمیت بشناسد و در قراداد ژنو، تلویحا آمریکا و دیگر دولتهای غربی رژیم را برسمیت شناخته اند( یادمان نرود که مطابق خاطرات مک فارلین، آقایان خامنه ای و رفسنجانی به ریگان پیشنهاد کرده بودند که حاضرند در مقابل حمایت آمریکا از آنها، خمینی را زهر کش کنند.  حال این حمایت را بدست آورده اند.) 

-در آنجا وقتی ایران را مجبور به پرداخت غرامت کرده بودند و وقتی فتحعلیشاه دیده که که پولها و سکه های طلا و نقره را دارند بار قاطر و الاغ می کنند و خزانه در حال خالی شدن است آنقدر حالش بد شده بود که وزیر مربوطه از ترس اینکه شاه سکته نکند گفته بود او را از خزانه بیرون ببرند تا خالی شدن خزانه را نبیند.  در حالیکه خسارتی که این بحران به ایران وارد کرده است تا بحال نزدیک 4000 میلیارد دلار شده است و خونریزی اقتصادی و سیاسی و...و هنوز ادامه دارد و جبهه گیریها در آمریکا و اسرائیل و شیخهای مستبد خلیج فارس نشان می دهد که بعد از این قراداد هم گلوی ایران را گرفته و رها نخواهند کرد.  از جمله به این دلیل که شیخها به غارت نفت و گاز ایران ادامه داده و هر ساله بیش از ٤٠ میلیارد دلار گاز و نفت ایران را بدزدند و صدای رژیم در نیاید. همانطور که در محاسبه(1) می بینید ضرر بحران اتمی تا بحال بیش از ٣٤٦٠ میلیادر دلار بوده است و این قراداد و صف ارایی هایی که در آمریکا در سنا و کنگره و لابی اسرائیل ایجاد شده است نشان از ان دارد که به ایران اجازه بسیار محدودی برای فعالیتهای اتمی خواهند داد فقط برای اینکه از آن به عنوان بهانه ای برای کنترل رژیم و تحمیل سکوت برای غارت ثروت ملی ایران استفاده کنند.
 به بیان دیگر، غرب نیک می داند که رژیم مدتهاست( از سال ٢٠٠٣) که قصد تولید بمب را ندارد ولی از این بهانه دست بر نخواهند برداشت تا از این طریق رژیم را کنترل، اتحاد بر ضد ایران را تقویت و هر چه بیشتر به دزدیدن نفت و گاز ایران از منابع مشترک ادامه دهند( برای مثال، قطر نه برابر ایران از منابع مشترک بهره برداری می کند و در حال افزایش سریع استخراج این منابع می باشد.)
هموطنان، برای جلوگیری از ادامه این خونریزی دائم اقتصادی و وضعیت آشفته سیاسی تنها یک راه بیشتر وجود ندارد و آن اینکه با فشار خود رژیم را مجبور کنید که اعلام کند که بسرعت هم غنی سازی( قیمت کل غنی سازی که انجام داده اند در بازار ازاد چند میلیون دلار بیشتر نیست ودر مقابل آن بیش از سه هزار و چهارصد میلیارد دلار بوطن خسارت وارد کرده اند.) و هم کلیه فعالیتهای اتمی( که از اول بزیان اقتصاد وطن بود.) خود را تعطیل خواهد کرد.  تنها این عمل است که بسرعت اتحادیه شوم شکل گرفته بر ضد ایران را خلا سلاح خواهد کرد و چاره ای جز برداشتن تمامی تحریمها برایشان نخواهد ماند.  برای تحمیل اینکار به مافیای حاکم نیاز به این است که دست از تماشاگر بودن برداشته، خود را صاحیان اصلی وطن و حاکم بر سرنوشت خود بدانید و تواناییهای خود را باور و از این طریق وارد عمل شوید.  تنها عاملی که می تواند این معادله دقیقا حساب شده از طرف قدرتهای خارجی را بر هم بزند، شما هستید.  معمار سرنوشت خود شوید و آنگاه خواهید دید که گشایشی عظیم نه تنها در وطن و منطقه که در جهان درگیر بحرانهای عظیم ایجاد خواهید کرد.  ایران در موقعیتی بس تاریخی قرار گرفته است و اگر به مسئولیت انسانی و ملی خود عمل کنید، نه نظاره گر جریان تاریخ که تاریخ ساز خواهید شد.
(1)   در اینجا تحقیق دقیق بنی صدر و دو اقتصاد دان دیگر را در رابطه با رقم نجومی خسارتی که رژیم بوطن وارد کرده است را می بینید:
در این گزارش نیز می بینیم که از الان چه لیست طولانی را به عنوان شرط برای برداشتن تحریمها در آمریکا شرط کرده اند
المونیتور: ایران اگر بخواهد تحریم های مالی و نفتی آمریکا برداشته شود، رییس جمهور باید به کنگره گزارش دهد که ایران قصد ساخت سلاح‌های کشتار جمعی ندارد، یک دولت حامی تروریسم نیست و خطری برای متحدان آمریکا ایجاد نمی کند. پس اگر آمریکا و ایران هر دو در مورد لغو تحریم ها جدی هستند، باید در مورد روابط ایران، اسراییل و حزب الله نیز گفتگو صورت بگیرد

۱۳۹۲ آذر ۴, دوشنبه

Exchanges of views over Banisadr’s “populist” economical policies.



Salam/Greetings,
 After I published the translation of Banisadr’s introduction into his book, The Economy of Tawhid, One of the leftist elite (I have a suspicion that I know the person. ) Wrote a comment, calling Banisadr and his economical policies as populist.  I engaged him in a dialogue and as you can see when he ran out of argument instead of using the opportunity as an occasion for reflection, he resorted to totally non-related, worn out lies against Banisadr(ie: He attacked Kurdistan, attacked the universities, ...etc.)



I thought the share the exchange here and leave the judgement to you.


بعد از ترجمه آخرین مقدمه بنی صدر به کتاب اقتصاد توحیدی، یکی از نخبگان چپ( فکر می کنم ایشان را از طریق نوشته هایش بشناسم) نظرات و کارهای بنی صدر را به انتقاد گرفت و او را پوپولیست خواند.  با ایشان وارد گفتگو شدم و وقتی ایشان دیگر دفاعی برای توجیه نظرات خود نداشت، به جای استفاده از موقعیت برای نقادانه فکر کردن، به صحرای کربلا زد و به دروغهای نخ نما شده ای که بیش از سی سال است  در مورد بنی صدر برای ترور شخصیت تکرار شده است ( مانند حمله به دانشگاهها و حمله به کردستان و اینکه موی زن اشعه دارد و...و) و اینگونه معلوم کرد که پشت مخالفتهای ظاهرا آکادمیک، انگیزه ای سخت شخصی وجود دارد.  گفتم این گفتگو را در اینجا بیاورم و قضاوت را به خوانندگان واگذار کنم
متاسفانه وقت ترجمه گفتگو را ندارم.  اگر هموطنانی باشد که چنین امکانی را داشته باشند و داوطب شوند بسیار ممنون خواهم شد
Zendanian:” All due respect this "Tawhid" school of thought sounds very much just like a continuation of "the best" of Iranian populism, desperately trying to come up with an "alternative" to both West and East, while dismissing the dynamic aspects of both.
There are still many aspects of a both Market driven economies, and Planned economies that could be utilized in a developing country like Iran.

To make a long story short a healthy economy would be an amalgamation of: Private (market), Public (state owned & planned) and Cooperative (members based and participatory) segments, with a dominant part going to Cooperative segment, which is participatory, and neither fully private or public, in the bureaucratic sense, but based on members' planning, execution, inspection and auditing.

For an English equivalent to the term "Omraan," why can't we just use the term "development?" Of course in the context of environmental development, any terminology would need more qualifications and nuance.

For "feker jami-ye jabaar," how about "authoritarian school of thought"?

Last but not least, about the same time as we had our anti-monarchy revolution in Iran, an East German dissenter named Rudolph Bahro, in 1977 published a critique of the "actually existing socialism" titled "The Alternative." This is a great work very much overlooked, which also contains critiques of both market and bureaucratic economies with an eye towards developing an organic relationship between environment and economic development.

Rudolf Bahro
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rudolf_Bahro

My response:” Thanks for the comment. Few points:
1. It seems that you don't know the economical policies which was conducted within the first 30 months after revolution, which despite of war, sanctions and chaos improved the life of the majority. Here are some information:
"To clarify this year’s average earning it should be pointed out that until the revolution, extensive military expenditure and governmental budget were calculated as part of families’ income. However, in the first two years after the revolution, the military and governmental budgets were removed from the calculation. See Enghelabe Eslami, 4-7 July 2004 [13-16 mordad 1382]. The improvement in the standard of living can best be illustrated by the consumption of bread, the most important item in the diet of the average Iranian. Daily consumption had decreased from 600 grams a day to 450 since the average Iranian could afford to consume more expensive items. The success story of the economy could also be exemplified by looking at the reserves of the Central Bank. The collapse of the Pahlavi regime and the flight of the Shah’s family and his clique to the West depleted reserves of foreign currency—the banks were left with just $46 million. However, by the time of coup against Banisadr, despite the war and economic sanctions, the country’s reserves had increased to nearly $16 billion."

I don't think that if you knew that you would use the phrase 'populism'. I also suggest to read the book itself:
http://banisadr.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=25:2013-03-03-07-57-25&catid=9&Itemid=141
2. about feker jami-ye jabaar,", thank you for the suggestion. I thought about using authoritarian term as well, but the meaning of Jabaar is not just that and the role of power in it is different. This is why I preferred to use the term:'dominant'.

3. Also development is part of 'omran' and not all of it as one can't use the term development in all the cases which the term 'omran' can be used. For example in regard to turn the desert green, one can't use the term development while 'omran' could be used. This is why I found it a difficult term to translate. If any of the readers have suggestions for the translation of the term? I will be thankful.”

Zendanian:” The most important process which significantly contributed to economic, political and cultural growth of Iran, after the fall of monarchy, and was quickly and brutally repressed by the new regime, including Mr. Bani Sadr himself was the process of workers' and community control.
Assef Bayat's book "Workers and Iranian Revolution" is a fascinating original field work, and detailed presentation of exactly how this process of workers' control came into existence.

I've been familiar with Mr. Bani Sadr's writings for more than three decades. Since his orientation is neither towards Capitalists nor Workers, but stuck in a hazy, ill defined concept of multitude, Mostazafien,... his theories are perfectly qualified to be categorized as Populist.

The links below also offer some of the best contemporary, advanced, unorthodox, political-economy, in English:

http://www.urpe.org/rrpe/rrpehome.html
http://www.cseweb.org.uk/

My response:” So you still insist that Banisadr’s economic policies, which within two years improved the lives of many Iranians, were populist. Let the readers decide about that. Here are a few policies which he implemented.
1. Writing off all the mortgages of people who had bought houses, so these people became house owners

2. Asking people who did not have houses to deposit around thirty thousand tomans in banks and get a two hundred thousand tomans (average house price at the time) interest-free loan, with the double effect of helping people to become home owners as well as rejuvenating the construction industry, hence reducing unemployment (these houses later became known as ‘banisadri’ houses)

3. Increasing the minimum wage by around 300%

4. Changing the taxation system to encourage the productive sector of the economy and discourage import of goods which could have been produced domestically

5. Decrease the export of oil while increasing the price of oil

6. Using oil revenue as an investment for agriculture and industry
7. Planning to reorganize the entire economy, hence moving it from consumer-based toward a productive-based one. Here are some of the methods which he implemented:

a. Providing interest-free loans for people who worked in agriculture and industrial sectors, so encouraging the domestic productive economy and reducing the import based economy

b. Planning to decrease the bloated bureaucracy by encouraging the surplus work force to retrain themselves in universities (while being fully paid) in order to work in the productive sector of the economy while providing them with the necessary means to live

c. Drastically reducing the ‘middle man’ which had plagued the process from production to consumption

d. Establishing an organization for invention and creativity, so people who needed to do research and were interested in invention could receive the necessary means and capital to work on their project


8. Planning to let factories to be run by councils of workers and providing them with financial help before becoming self-sufficient (The Islamic Republic prevented that from happening)

9. Re-structuring the entire governmental organization and transforming its authoritarian structure into a democratic one, so providing the people with autonomy in accordance with their responsibilities

And so many other policies which I don’t have time to mention them.
So let the readers decide whether these policies were populist or were policies which, if the coup in 1981 would not have occurred, might have helped Iran become one of the wealthiest, most free and most egalitarian countries in the world.”
Zendanian response:” One view of history attributes all historical progress and change to "great men" and their individual contributions.
Another more nuanced view of history takes into accounts, not only individual protagonist but also the social context, the movements, structures and macro factors that shape and change history.

You view of history is obviously the first. In such a narrative all social historical context are dismissed and forgotten in favor of highlighting the role of "great" men.

While we're on this topic of "great" men, let us not forget that it was the same "great" man, one and only Mr. Banisadr that:
- Kissed khomeini's hand upon being elected president.
- Was a vocal advocate of the military invasion of Kurdistan.
- Published that nonsense article about rays coming out of women's hair.
- Put his seal of approval on the infamouse " Islamic Cultural Revolution"

Let the readers decide who he really is.”
My response:” A few points.

My response:

Your point about great man and historical progress is not a respond to the points which I made.  I made some factual points and you instead of acknowledging or challenging them, resorted to ‘agency’ vs ‘structure’ argument (In the form of great man vs social progress.) which was not related to my argument.  In order to get somewhere we need to be focussed on the topic.
Furthermore the model of historical process you presented in order to make your point, like your previous points, fails when tested against reality.  The reality is that Banisadr was the only theoretician of the Iranian revolution who years before had developed a comprehensive model of a social alternative to the monarchy, which he presented in many books(Ie: Economy of Tawhid, Cult of personality, Contradiction and Tawhid,...etc).  If you have read his work then you knew that Tawhid is the ontological, epistemological and methodological base for all of his theories.   Why? Partly because this is the precondition for the exercise of this capability is the removal of all types of censorship in self and society. All forms of censorship (from sexual to socio-political and economic to cultural) have to be removed so the free flow of information and knowledge can make it possible for the capability of leadership to be realised in each individual.  Within his discourse, politics does not aim at gaining and managing power, but intends to achieve and expand all types of freedoms.  “Rights” are not merely the result of social contracts but are intrinsic to humans; hence, the only function of “duty” is the attempt to exercise these rights.  Finally, it is within this discourse and by the removal of power as the means and goal of activity that competition between individuals, genders and societies is replaced by cooperation and mutual development.  As a result, power loses the causes of its production, consumption and re-production at both individual and societal levels.

Furthermore his alternative model of development and progress could only be implemented within the context of an overarching revolution, so the society was ready for great changes. Hence it brings the agency(great man as you said) and structure(social progress in your words) together and mutually  It reinforces them soit is a mutual collaboration.  in brief he used this short window of opportunity, with the public consent, to implement his theories, which proved to be deeply successful. 

۱۳۹۲ آذر ۳, یکشنبه

Banisadr's message to Iranians in regard to Geneva agreement



Iran’s former president, A.H. Banisadr, message to Iranian, in regard to the Geneva’s agreement.

Iranians,

In our history, the regime of the absolute rule of the clery (faqih) has inflicted three major crises on Iranians: the hostage taking (1979-81), the war with Iraq (between 1980 and 1988) and now the “nuclear crisis.” All have ended with the regime drinking the poison chalice (of defeat). Who is going to guarantee that this regime, which is a result and creator of crisis, will not inflict a fourth, more destructive crisis that could destroy what is left of Iran?
Both Khamenei personally and the regime of the absolute rule of the clergy have placed Iran at such an impasse that the negotiating group was left with no choice but to sign a submission, which was called an agreement.  This agreement takes nine pledges from Iran, and in return gives Iran permission to withdraw $7 billion of Iran’s frozen assets and to use $4 billion of the oil which they sell within the next six months to buy goods from these other countries in the agreement.  The regime’s media call this agreement worse than ‘Turkmanchi’,(1) in other words, even worse than worse.

There can’t be criticism of the Iranian negotiating team, as they had no way out. This is because through its military-financial mafia, the regime has destroyed any economic and political resistance within Iran, regionally and globally (against sanctions).  The negotiators could do no more than they did. The horrid exchange of letters between Rouhani and Khamenei [in which both reversed the truth] followed only one goal: to impose silence and prevent any protest. The entire responsibility for this treachery, like other treacheries, lies on the shoulders of the absolute rule of faqih and the person who occupies it, as the position itself is a usurpation, and hence a lie, and the one who occupies it is a usurper.
Iranian people.

By creating the nuclear crisis, the regime has not only plundered hundreds of billions dollars of national wealth and destroyed the economy, but has created ominous allies from the Persian Gulf (the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf) to America (the neo-conservatives). The Israeli prime minister knows well that the agreement is in the interest of cooperation between Israel, Saudi Arabi, the coup-makers of Egypt, the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf and the neo-conservatives. The sole purpose of the position he has adopted is to solidify this cooperation.

The agreement leaves no doubt that Iran is in quicksand.  It is only you who can rescue Iran from this quicksand, and you can do this only if you regard and treat yourself as responsible citizens, in order to establish a republic of citizens and a right-oriented state which is the at the service of the people, to rise up.

Abolhassan Banisadr
24.11.2013

(1)   The treaty of Turkmenchay was signed in 1828 after the defeat of the Iranian army by the Russian army. As a result, Iran lost large parts of the Caucasus, which is seen as one of the darkest parts of Iranian history.


جرعه اول جام زهر نوشیده شد



مافیای حاکم اولین جرعه جام زهری را که خود از طریق سیاستهایش ساخته بود سر کشید.  مانند گروگانگیری و جنگ، این مسئله را نیز انقدر ادامه داد و فرصتها را از دست داد تا در لحظه آخر مجبور شد جام زهر را سر بکشد و شک ندارم که فریاد پیروزی نیز سر خواهد داد (اقای خمینی در صحبتی خصوصی گفته بود که هر چه دارم از پروریی دارم.  اینها نیز همانطور.) البته نباید سر کشیدن این جام زهر را که شکستی استراتژیک به محور جنگ طلب اسرائیل، عربستان، نئو کانزواتیوهای آمریکایی و مافیای داخلی جنگ طلب وارد می کند، پیروزی دید.  از جمله به این دلیل که اگر نبود سیاستهای بحران زای رژیمی که زاده بحران است، هیچگاه چنین محوری ایجاد نمی شد.

در هر حال، حال فضایی ایجاد شده است و سایه جنگ حداقل برای مدتی از سر وطن برداشته شده است.  در چنین حالتی مردم ایران حق دارند و وظیفه که از خود سوال کنند که با رژیمی که کارش بحران سازی و همه بحرانها را نیز در شکست و به قیمت تحمیل مرگ و فقر و سرکوب به مردم، به پایان می رساند چه کند؟  ایا نقش تماشاچی را بازی خواهند کرد؟  ایا خود را به در باتلاق سراب وش اصلاح رژیم رها خواهد کرد و یا از طریق ادامه انقلاب بهمن در اندیشه راهنما و اهداف آن که همان استقلال بود و ازادی و مردمسالاری و رشدی فقر شکن، بالاخره بعد از 120 سال مبارزه وطن شاهد استقرار جمهوری شهروندان و دارای رژیمی که نه ناقض که حافظ کرامت، حقوق انسانی و حقوق ملی ساکنان ایران زمین باشد.


 رئیس مجلس رژیم مافیایی در رابطه با مذاکرات هسته ای گفته بود که این همه امتیاز دادیم و حتی یک حبه نبات نیز نگرفتیم. حال در این موافقت نامه می بینیم که همه امتیازها را داده اند تا تکه کوچکی از آن حبه نبات گرفته شود. الان که اطلاعیه کاخ که در آن مفاد موافقتنامه را می خواندم، بیشتر از آنی که فکر می کردم دچار شگفتی شدم. از قرارداد ترکمانچای نیز بدتر است. مانند گروگانگیری، مافیای حاکم را نقره داغ کرده اند و رفتاری که با بچه یتیم هم نمی کنند و آنگاه مافیای حاکم فریاد پیروزی سر می دهد. تا کی؟









پروفسور مهران مصطفوی:

"شرم آور است. همانطور که پیش بینی می شد جمهوری اسلامی در مقابل قدرتهای خارجی زانو زد و فریاد پیروزی سر کشید. تنها با خواندن متن قرارداد که کاخ سفید مفاد آنرا منتشر کرده است متوجه می شویم این نظام هر کار میکند جز قدمی براداشتن بسوی مردم. همانند ماجرای گروگانگیری و همانند جنگ ایران و عراق قرارداد را بدون کوچکترین اطلاعی به مردم بستند. به چه گناه مردم ایران 15سال اینهمه هزینه دادند؟ به چه گناه؟"

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/11/23/fact-sheet-first-step-understandings-regarding-islamic-republic-iran-s-n

۱۳۹۲ آبان ۲۹, چهارشنبه

What Is the Economy of Tawhid?

In 1977, Abolhassan Banisadr, Iran's first president, wrote a book introducing an alternative approach to economy based on the principle of Tawhid, which challenged the principle of dichotomy which are at the centre of both capitalist and socialist models of economy. Since then, when the book has been read at all it has been misunderstood as a book about 'Islamic' economy. So I decided to translate his last introduction to the book, written 25 years after its publication, as in it he combines the theory of such an economy with a consideration of its implementation. The principles of the economy of Tawhid guided many policies in the first two and half years after the Iranian revolution, but the approach came to an abrupt end after the June 1981 coup through which Banisadr was deposed.
In the introduction, one can see the falsity of the language of enclosure which is used by neo-liberal economists and politicians who argue that 'there is no alternative' in order to justify the domination of a system which has led us to the current economic and environmental disasters. They try to make people to believe that as "socialism" failed there is no alternative to capitalism. In this book is an alternative system. But to understand it we need to know what Banisadr means by 'Tawhid'. For Banisadr, Tawhid means the unification of humans with God, with each other and with nature. According to him, the concept also refers to all states of freedom and the absence of all types of power relations. Tawhid refers to a lack of separation between everything existing, a unity of self and other, individual and society, God and human, human and nature; it disrupts these dichotomies and makes them untrue. Consequently, Tawhid is the 'motion toward a great and multi-faceted revolution, which leads to the establishment of new social relations and new relations with nature and the individual self. In such relations, nature, society and the thinking mind are not factors that limit human freedom, but that expand them'.

                                                          ****************

When I reread the introduction to the second edition of this book that I wrote in 1977, I found it even more appropriate for the present time than before. At the time, 'economy' was defined as a science of struggle against scarcity, but also promised a future of plenty; beliefs in both liberalism and Marxism were still dominant and popular. Supporters of these competing theories then had no doubt that their respective guiding principle would be proven correct through bringing forth a period of plenty. Today's economy, however, is an economy which adds scarcity upon scarcity. As a result, young generations in all societies have become certain that their lives will be worse than their parents'. Even the danger of the extinction of the human race has become a subject for research. There are new theories of social justice, and despite globalization (which in contemporary society has become synonymous with the domination of multinationals over human beings on a global scale) one economic alternative - which we introduced during the 1979 Iranian revolution and have kept promoting since - is increasingly attracting attention. The proposal is to develop a global policy which can control the multinationals, put an end to the destruction of dynamic forces within society, use these forces to assist intergenerational development at the global level, and revivify (omraan) the environment.(1) Part of the research that informed this policy was published in 1977 as The Economy of Tawhid.
The Economy of Tawhid is a critique of two historical experiences which have been undertaken in different societies. The principles and the methods which are suggested in the book emerged from research into the history of Iran and a number of other countries. The 1979 Iranian revolution, in its initial phase, provided us with an opportunity to implement the policies discussed, and although we encountered various difficulties the results still verified the arguments set out in the book.
To modify the idea of economy with the adjective 'Tawhidi' - which is not to be conflated with the idea of an 'Islamic economy' as propagated by clergy throughout history - means a number of things.
First, whenever economy is based on contradiction, it serves only power, not people. Contemporary economies are based on the principle of contradiction: the contradiction of humans with nature, societies with each other, present with future; the contradiction between different social groups that have contradicting interests; the contradiction between the needs of people and nature with the needs of power. The last is primary.
Such contradiction leads to human alienation, and hence becomes an instrument of power to the extent that a person believes the needs of power to be her/his own natural needs. This is the most chronic form of 'dominant public opinion' (feker jami-ye jabaar),(2) which has been indoctrinated and which all societies have accepted. The Economy of Tawhid tries to liberate people from the determinism of 'dominant public opinion', makes power irrelevant and brings economy into the service of free people in the process of development while taking care of nature as well.
Second, my critical analysis of domination and of the relation between dominator and dominated appears for the first time in this work.(3) In the second chapter the emergence of two concentrated 'poles' of power and their mutual destruction are discussed. The destruction of one of these concentrating and multiplying centres of power (with the collapse of the Soviet Union and its satellite republics), and the situation in which the US is now a sole superpower but also finds itself in a state of demise, verifies the arguments in this book. At present, some speak about the emergence of five or six powers. However, people should not concern themselves with such changes or the emergence of a multipolar world. They need to free their intellects from the principle of dichotomy itself as a guiding principle and replace it with Tawhid to guide thought and action, in order to create a world free of centres and poles of power. To create a global society based on three rights: the right to commonality (eshteraak) and to share in environment, resources, human rights, national rights and management of the world based on a principle of 'negative equilibrium'; the right to differ with regard to cultural variety (because culture is the product of the labour of a society in a homeland and because cultural differences enrich us all through the free flow of information and knowledge); and the right to friendship, which combines the rights to peace, free relations between societies, and free flow of ideas, information and scientific and technical discoveries and inventions at the global level.
Third, we attempted to change a number of things during the first two and a half years following the revolution: the structure of the state budget system and banking credit; the structure of import and the relationship between human beings with the means of production; the land and natural resources, and especially to direct human energy/ability towards activities that fulfill the needs of people in the process of development and take care of nature. These efforts were imperfect, but they also exposed two lies, which were (a) that Eastern countries, especially Islamic countries, are incapable of development, and (b) that the western path to development is the only one.
Fourth, this project became to a halt and this great experience was undermined when Khomeini intervened and prevented its continuation through making statements like: 'economy belongs to donkeys (fools)' or 'Banisadr is trying to turn Iran into another France and Switzerland while people made a revolution for Islam.' Throughout this time, however, social justice was not regarded as a goal to be achieved, but used as normative criterion of judgement against which to measure the economic plan in process. As a result, in a short time and for the first time in Iran's modern history, the average income of families in both urban and rural areas exceeded their expenditure. This was the result of three major changes.
A -- To solve the contradiction between power and humans in favour of the latter, we argued that human beings and her/his needs should form the basis for economic activities. In order to make this so, the plan should be implemented to diminish the economy of power. This meant shifting Iran's economy from the position of a dominated economy into an independent one. This was the first task. Therefore...
B -- After 60 years (apart from a short period in the early 1950s, during the nationalization of oil), production replaced consumption as the anchor/basis of the Iranian national economy. The direction of dynamic forces therefore shifted from a circuit of importconsumptionexport (of oil, capital and educated people to the dominated economy) to a circuit of productionconsumptionproduction. As a result...
C -- To change the relation of the state with people, a change in the state's budget resources made the democratisation of Iran possible. That became a criterion which was used as a compass for economic policy. At present, daily economic activities across the national society depend on the state budget. This is because the main resources of the state budget are external (coming through the sale of oil to foreign countries, taking custom's right from import, taking loans from foreign and domestic banks, and budget deficits). When the state's income is dependent on dominant economies and the people are dependent on state budget, then this not only increases the destruction of dynamic forces or their export (brain drain) into the dominant economies, and not only makes it impossible for the state to observe the law, but also turns society into a vehicle for exporting its dynamic forces, thus trapping people into ever-increasing poverty. This is why, in the past and present, Iran has become captivated by the dynamics of poverty, violence and inequality.
D -- When Economy of Tawhid was written, both socialist and liberal economies were promising plenty/plentiful. There was no sense that they are using the resources needed by future generations now, nor talks about pre-determining the future. But there were attempts to cover this up so people could not see these two realities. However, now the reality has become apparent to everyone. The question could be asked why no attention has been paid to Banisadr's warnings? Why did the Soviet state not have the foresight to use its resources for the future, and to see that making power into the pivot of economic planning would pre-determine its collapse? The same question should have been asked about the Shah's regime, and the current regime in Iran. Neither of the two systems which died away answered these questions, and the current regime is reading the warnings and answering the question. But the people who want to be freed and to free others should listen to the answers. These are as follows. First, there is no such thing as insightful power. It can never exist. Second, there is no power which does not become the author of its own death. No power can ever avoid this destiny. Any time people see that they have an economy which uses resources which are reserved for the future -- and at the moment, people everywhere can see that - they should know that the linchpin of their collective and individual life is power, that the pivot of their economy is consumption, and that hence their future is being predetermined. Is it possible to be freed from such a destiny? If there is a possibility of survival and for collective and individual intellects to become free; if there is a determination for hard work and change, then it is possible.
E -- In order for great changes (such as proper planning for economic reconstruction, especially for economies which are in a dominated position, like Iran's) to become possible, criteria should be used which transfer the bases of the economy of power (i.e., contradiction) to a grounding in Tawhid. In this way the economy serves the needs of people in the process of development and liberation, through organizing the dynamic forces discussed in this book. For example, the issue of unemployment, even in domineering economies, has become intricate and is undermining the stability of working people. It requires a change in the relation between an individual with her/his own labour, with the land and natural resources and tools of production, along with the careful observation of the regulations which prevent destructive activities and the exploitation of one by the other. Furthermore, as power is not only blind but also the digger of its own grave, power-oriented people might go to the end, which is the destruction of people in their entirety. Therefore it is up to the people to become conscious of their rights and turn their lives to the exercise of right, hence freeing themselves from a social system and relations which are created by power.
F -- 35 years ago, socio-economic development was defined by the west as the God of its time. It was a domineering collective public opinion which people had created, and it had become an instrument of this belief. Today, people in the west are writing about the 'death of the myth of development'. Development became a myth not because it was not true, but because by replacing power with human and to reduce development in concentration and multiplication of power, human and environment were getting destroyed so power could "develop". The mere announcement of the death of the myth of development does not solve this problem, which is why it has not been solved. Action always adds to itself. Dynamic forces are emerging. If free intellects use the dynamic forces for human development and ecological stewardship, the myth and realities of development will die.
It was in this book, that I first introduced the idea of being liberated from the myth of development, and an alternative kind of development based on the principle of negative equilibrium was introduced. I argued that when the guiding principle of development is dichotomy, and when it is based on contradiction, then development is nothing but deception, since in such situation it is not human beings but power which develops. The only time, development becomes a process of liberating human talents, making them creative as well as revivifying the nature, is when Tawhid becomes the basis for economic activity.
(1) I can't find the proper word for it. He uses the word 'OMRAAN', which means like turning a desert to a pasture/filed. Rebuilding the ruined villages/cities.
(2) I found it difficult to find a right phrase for it. By collective/deterministic? public opinion he means something which people will find it difficult to resist against it. Like during Bush and before invading Iraq, the American media provided such atmosphere that the majority of American believed that is a good thing to attack Saddam.
(3) 'Through ongoing study, the dynamism of system of dominator-dominated were found and gradually introduced.'

۱۳۹۲ آبان ۲۵, شنبه

خانم تهمینه میلادی چه نیازی به دروغ گفتن داشتید؟

حداقل کاری که جامعه و نسلی که در پی استقرار مردم سالاری و آزادی می باشد این است که حساسیت خود را در مورد دروغ و دروغگو بالا ببرد.  دروغ را که حتما به قصد فریب گفته می شود نپذیرد و دروغگو را در صراحت و شفافیت کامل به نقد بکشد.  اینگونه است که یکی از اصلی ترین عناصر فرهنگ آزادی ایجاد می شود. 
در همین رابطه مقاله اقای مازیار شکوری گیل چالان (1) در رابطه با نقد فیلم نیمه پنهان خانم تهمینه میلانی دیدم که در آن به نقد ایشان در رابطه با اطلاع دروغی که از زبان دختری مجاهد در حال فرار و پنهان شدن از دست حمله کنندگان در زمان حمله به دانشگاه ها را اورده اند:
"خانم نویسنده: میتوانم یکی ازاعلامیه هایت را بخوانم؟
هوادارمجاهدین: حتماٌ
خانم نویسنده: اینکه علیه رئیس جمهوروفرمانده کل قواست!
هوادارمجاهدین: بله، بنی صدراصراردارد به اسم انقلاب فرهنگی دانشگاه ها تعطیل بشود ولی ما معتقدیم غرض اصلی بنی صدراسلامی کردن دانشگاه نیست، تصفیه دانشجویان انقلابی است."

بر نقد وزین ایشان سعی می کنم قدری بیافزایم و قبل از خواندن این نقد کوتاه پیشنهاد می کنم که نقد اقای شکوری را مطالعه کنید:  امر واقع این است که خانم تهمینه میلانی نه فقط سانسور بلکه از طریق دروغ در صدد فریب نسل جوانی که ماجرا را نمی داند بر امده اند.  البته  اگر مواضع سازمان مجاهدین خلق در آن زمان روشن نبود می توان گفت که خانم میلانی زحمت تحقیق و مطالعه حداقل را نیز بخود نداده اند، ولی نسل ایشان نیک می دانند که در ماجرای حمله به دانشگاه ها، سازمان مجاهدین آن زمان اولین سازمانی بود که با بنی صدر تماس گرفت و گفت می داند که این توطئه حزب جمهوری  برای زدن رئیس جمهور است و بهمین علت دانشگاه را داوطلبانه تخلیه می کند که کرد.  بنابراین در جریان حمله به دانشگاه اصلا مجاهدین خلق حضور نداشتند که بخواهد چنین مکالمه ای بین دختر خانم مجاهد و ایشان در بگیرد.
دیگر اینکه در آن زمان نه تنها حتی یک اعلامیه از مجاهدین بر ضد رئیس جمهور در رابطه با حمله به دانشگاه ها وجود ندارد( و بنابراین این دروغی می باشد که خانم میلانی از زبان دختر مجاهد ساخته اند.) بلکه در ان زمان سازمان بیشترین سعی خود را برای نزدیک شدن به رئیس جمهور انجام می داد.  از جمله این مجاهدین بودند که دو نوار آیت را که در آن سخن از این گفته بود که با حمله به دانشگاه قصد زدن بنی صدر را داشته اند ولی بنی صدر زرنگ بود و سوار موج شد و حال برنامه ای داریم که پدرش هم نمی تواند کاری کند ضثط و در اختیار بنی صدر گذاشته و روزنامه انقلاب اسلامی آن را منتشر کرد.
متاسفانه شاید فقط در ایران باشد که به علت غلبه بی اخلاقی وسیع در فضای سیاسی، هدف حمله برای سرنگون کردن را حمله کننده قلمداد می کنند.  می کشند و قتل را به گردن مقتول می اندازند چرا که هدف دیگر از حمله به دانشگاه ها و بستن آن محروم کردن بنی صدر از فضایی بود که توانایی سازمان دهی و مبارزه بر ضد کودتای سی خرداد را داشت. 
این بی اخلاقی خانم میلانی من را یاد دروغ تاریخی دیگری می اندازد و ان اینکه بعد از کوشش اولیه اقای خمینی در اجباری کردن حجاب و تظاهرات زنان، بنی صدر به قم رفت و به آقای خمینی یاد آور شد که در پاریس تعهد کرده است که زنان در نوع پوشش ازادی باشند.  اقای خمینی ناچار از عقب نشینی شد و بنی صدر به تهران برگشته و به تلویزیون رفت تا در اینمورد صحبت کند( عین صحبت و سوال و جوابها در همان زمان در ایران بارها تجدید چاپ شد.) بعد از سخنان بنی صدر و در جریان بحث، خانم دانشجویی بلند شد و از دوست دانشجویش که فیزیک تحصیل می کرد در توجیه اجباری بودن  حجاب  نقل کرد که او گفته که ثابت شده است که موی زن اشعه ای دارد که سبب تحریک مرد می شود و نظر بنی صدر را در اینمورد سوال کرد.  ولی در کارگاه بی اخلاقی سلطنت طلبان( و بعد استالینیستها) این سوال دانشجو از بنی صدر تبدیل شد به نظر بنی صدر و این در حالیست که در پاسخ به خانم گفته بود که با حجاب اجباری مخالف است و با هر نوع اجباری مخالف و اینکه ما انقلاب کردیم که زور نباشد و تا زمانی هم که رئیس جمهور بود به رجایی اجازه نداد که حجاب را در دستگاه های دولتی اجباری کند و اجباری شدن حجاب در دستگاه های دولتی تنها بعد از کودتا سی خرداد بود بر ضد رئیس جمهوری بود که انجام شد.
وطن بهای سنگینی برای این ترور شخصیت پرداخته و هنوز می پردازد.  محیط سیاسی ایران انباشته از کیهان شریعتمداری هاست.  دوباره یاد آوری می کنم که اگر می خواهیم در نظامی ازاد و مردم سالار زندگی کنیم از اولین کارهایی که لازم است انجام دهیم این است که دروغ را نپذیریم و آن را توهینی بخود بدانیم و دروغگو را به نقدی شفاف و صریح بکشیم تا بیاموزد که دیگر نمی توان براحتی کوشش در دروغ گفتن کرد و فریب مردم.  این حداقل کوشش برای ایجاد فرهنگ ازادی می باشد.

(1): https://www.facebook.com/groups/181164501944450/618575074870055/?notif_t=group_activity